Mohammad Jamil
The 48-member Nuclear Suppliers Group is meeting in Vienna on 11th November first to reach an understanding on the rules for entry of non-signatories of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty in the Group. Lu Kang, spokesman of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, in a press briefing on Monday said: “NSG’s plenary session will be held on Friday in Vienna. As of now, there’s no change in our position.” Although India’s effort for its membership into the group has Washington’s support, China remains reluctant, insisting that ratifying the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty was prerequisite for new entrants. The NSG, which regulates supply of nuclear material, is likely to discuss rules for admitting new members in its session on November 11-12. In the Group’s meeting in June 2016, the matter could not be resolved, as there was no consensus on the inclusion of India or any other country into the Group.
After the last meeting in June 2016, China had said that more talks were needed to build a consensus on which countries could join the main group controlling access to sensitive nuclear technology, after push by the United States to include India. China is seen as leading opposition to the US move to include India in the 48-nation Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), but according to diplomats other countries including New Zealand, Turkey, South Africa and Austria also oppose Indian membership. India and Pakistan, both nuclear-armed nations, have applied for membership of the group. Both of them have not signed the nuclear disarmament treaty. Whereas India is trying hard to get exception, but China insists on making no exception for India. The US views India as a vast market and potential counterweight to China’s assertiveness in Asia; but it has apprehensions that India may use fuel covertly for weapons purposes.
It was in this backdrop that America had demanded tracking the whereabouts of material supplied to the country, which was meant to ensure that India does not divert the nuclear materials to nuclear weapons’ production. Having that said, it appears that hypocrisy, strategic interest and greed of the US and the West for approximately hundred billion dollars had been victorious, and international covenants and laws were trampled. Anyhow, extension of specific exemption to India by the US would be harmful to the norms of Non-proliferation Treaty and other regimes. Following the NSG waiver by the US, India had signed nuclear cooperation agreements with Russia, France, the United Kingdom, South Korea, Canada, Argentina, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Namibia. However, given the constraints on any agreement imposed by New Delhi’s civil nuclear liability law, it is unclear whether U.S. companies will conclude any reactor supply deals with India.
It has to be mentioned that the pact between the US and India exempts military facilities and stockpiles of nuclear fuel from scrutiny by the International Atomic Energy Agency, a United Nations watchdog. India had remained outside the international nuclear mainstream since it misused Canadian and US peaceful nuclear assistance to conduct its 1974 nuclear bomb test. It had refused to sign the nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, and conducted additional nuclear tests in 1998. But the US and the West want to sell weapons and materials, and India has cash to buy those weapons. In December 2015, India and Japan had sealed a broad agreement for cooperation in civil nuclear energy with the final deal to be signed after certain technical and legal issues were thrashed out. Japan is a major player in the nuclear energy market and an atomic deal with it will also make it easier for US-based nuclear plant makers.
Reflecting the importance of the nuclear pact, Narendra Modi had said it was more than just an agreement and that it was a “shining symbol” of a new level of mutual confidence and strategic partnership between the two countries towards the cause of a peaceful and secure world. At a joint media event with Modi, Shinzo Abe said Japan’s cooperation with India in the nuclear field will be limited to peaceful objectives. At a bilateral summit in New Delhi last December, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had signed a memorandum of agreement on civil nuclear cooperation. And on August 14, 2016, Japan’s Yomiuri reported that both prime ministers will conclude a full-fledged nuclear cooperation agreement in November 2016. Before the two sides can conclude a nuclear cooperation pact, they must resolve their differences over key issues, such as Japanese companies’ liability for nuclear accidents.
Some argue that the Japanese government should not enter into a civil nuclear agreement with a country that has not committed to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), and its record of nuclear safety is not satisfactory. On the other hand, Pakistan is a responsible state and has contributed towards the global efforts to improve nuclear security and nuclear non-proliferation measures, which is acknowledged by the IAEA. Last year, US Under-Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Rose Gottenmoeller told a congressional panel that “Pakistan has really done an excellent job of establishing a program for nuclear security”. Having that said, the nuclear deal between the US and India has disturbed the balance of power in South Asia. At least 8 out of 22 reactors would remain outside the regime, which means that material sought for 14 reactors could be diverted to the other 8 reactors in India.
In April 2016, an independent US report declared the Indian nuclear program not only unsafe but also called for a satisfactory international oversight. The report by the Belfer Center at the Harvard Kennedy School identified problems arising from the gaps in the commitments that India made after the nuclear deal, and focused on India’s separation plan, its Safeguards Agreement and Additional Protocol. The authors of the report titled ‘The Three Overlapping Streams of India’s Nuclear Programs’ further highlighted that Pakistan had a reason to be concerned that India could use its unsafeguarded portions for boosting its nuclear weapon system. The report observes that India is currently running three streams that include: civilian safeguarded, civilian un-safeguarded, and military. They suggested that India’s civilian nuclear program should be separated from the military nuclear program.
