- Saudi Arabia and Egypt are the two poles of the Arab world, which is why enhanced ties between them are crucial to countering Iran’s anti-Arab hegemonic project
Gulf News
Joseph A. Kechichian
Egypt, or “Umm Al Dunya” (mother of the world) as some modestly proclaim, remained the vital Arab country that acted as a bridge between two vast continents even if its contemporary record was less than stellar. Yet, and beyond socio-political shortcomings that, regrettably, created mounting challenges, many marginalised the country. Caught in internal and global struggles, the heart of the Arab nation seldom surrendered its writ, and stood as the ideal strategic partner to any number of powers anxious to assert authority and restore Arab dignity. It was, in short, nearly impossible to fathom an effective Arab alliance that did not include it.
To his immense credit, and notwithstanding past misunderstandings, King Salman Bin Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia has now honed in on the nascent Arab axis of hope, one that will see Riyadh and Cairo lead. As Gassan Charbel recently wrote in Al Hayat, “The Saudi leadership was aware early on of the pivotal role that Egypt would play in any serious attempt to stop the Arab collapse,” which is the principal reason why Riyadh embarked on this concerted effort. To help Egypt is to help oneself, and as Charbel hammered, strengthening existing strategic ties “will allow both sides to ward off security challenges through a partnership against terrorism and against foreign interference that has wreaked havoc in most Arab states”.
Of course, Riyadh opted to enhance its ties with the Arab world’s largest military power after concluding that the United States under the Obama Administration preferred to retreat from the region, although that was half of the story. The more important part was Saudi Arabia’s “will-to-power” vis-a-vis a hegemonic Iran, a non-Arab power anxious to topple Arab Gulf monarchies and, in time, expand its influence throughout the Arab and Muslim worlds.
For nearly four decades, successive Iranian revolutionary leaders aimed to project power, topped with recent boasts that at least four Arab capitals — Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sana’a — fell to Iranian colonialism. Even if some of this boasting was part of Iranian foreign policy theatrics, no one ought to dismiss “Grand Jihad”, which stressed sectarian preferences, ostensibly to help “the oppressed peoples of the Middle East”.
Naturally, Saudi Arabia rejected Iranian hegemony and embarked on what can only be described as a full alliance consolidation that builds on its core environment — the Arabian Peninsula — in the first instance and, more broadly, that runs from North Africa, Egypt, Turkey, Jordan, all the way to Pakistan, India, Indonesia and Malaysia. King Salman, like his predecessors, assumed this leadership responsibility that belied ignorant conclusions about lack of commitment or, worse, that accused Riyadh of sponsoring terrorism.
In fact, generous doses of anti-Saudi accusations affixed the sectarian terminology of the “Wahhabi-takfiri-extremist” variety, which was unbecoming not only because it was inaccurate, but because it failed to note that Riyadh was the primary target of confused ideologues who sought solace in mayhem.
Be that as it may, King Salman and his advisers were no longer shy to assume various duties, and to apply their “will-to-power”.
Last month, the Kingdom hosted the Northern Thunder military exercises that brought together nearly 100,000 men from 20 countries including Egypt and Pakistan. Earlier, Riyadh announced the establishment of the Islamic Alliance Against Terrorism, with 39 members and, notwithstanding political disagreements with Cairo, the 10-member coalition to intervene in Yemen and restore its legitimately elected head-of-state.
In other words, Saudi Arabia took the lead in containing and countering Iran and, towards the long-term objective of keeping the Arab world, well, Arab, to consolidate political and security ties with Egypt.
Graciously, President Abdul Al Fattah Al Sissi welcomed the $16 billion (Dh58.7 billion) investment fund created by the kingdom to assist Cairo at various levels. Similarly, he approved the establishment of a land bridge between the two countries, which will now see the two Red Sea islands of Tiran and Sanafir revert to Saudi control.
But more important than all of these was Cairo’s pledge to dispel lingering doubts implied by disagreements over Yemen, or Syria, or even some Egyptian policy planks against Islamists. Cairo was adamantly opposed to the Muslim Brotherhood — which Riyadh identified as a terrorist organisation too — and insisted that it would take its time to address irreconcilable ideological differences with some of its citizens.
Saudi Arabia and Egypt are the two poles of the Arab world, and while necessity accelerated the ongoing rapprochement, in reality what Riyadh initiated was little more than an end to the obliteration of the Arab identity that irritates so many.
Arabs, many mistakenly believe, are natural would-be terrorists and suicide bombers who do not believe in life. Critics point to the chaos and ruin prevalent throughout the region, unaware that poverty was largely responsible for the bloodshed and, equally important, that just about everyone coveted the area’s resources, all of which added to existing shortcomings.
Many will now wonder whether the nascent Saudi-Egyptian alliance can end the decay and restore hope. Relying on oneself was the first step towards that goal.